From June 22 to June 27, No One is Illegal dared to dream of a world without fences. As we marched with thousands, we dared to confront the walls erected daily to separate the rich from the poor, the powerful from the powerless. We reclaimed power, we shook the fence, and we broke through the police lines. We challenged the G20’s system of global apartheid as it manifested on the streets of Toronto. We now stand alongside all of those currently caught in the walls of the (in)justice system for daring to envision a world without fences, borders and cages. The people harassed, detained, arrested and charged over this past weekend were migrants, indigenous peoples, people of colour, queer and trans people, feminists, disabled people, anarchists, anti-poverty activists, rank and file labour activists, anti-capitalists, ecological justice activists, and community organizers. They are our allies and our friends; they are the fabric of our communities.

In particular, we stand in solidarity with those who have faced and are currently facing the worst excesses of the repressive police state, including several members of No One is Illegal Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver. Many of these organizers were targeted not only for their involvement in opposing the G20, but for their ongoing work struggling for communities that are rooted in love, justice and self-determination. They are dedicated, courageous and passionate organizers who continue to be an inspiration within our communities. The state’s attempt to criminalize these individuals is a targeted attempt to silence our movements.

But we will not be silenced. We raged on the streets this week in Toronto. We will rage in the courts and in the prisons. We will continue to rage as we work daily in our local communities. And we will tear the fences down.

The G8 and G20 leaders and their corporate villains erect borders, manufacture weaponry, pillage the earth with industrial projects and profit from war. They push people from their homes and force people to migrate across borders and into situations of precarity. Daily, we stand in solidarity with those who are deemed “illegal” by the colonial state and are forced to live under the threat of detention and deportation. And daily, we organize against the racism and xenophobia that defines the history of colonization and displacement in Canada.

The type of repression seen during the G20 weekend is not only a testament of Canada being a police state, but a glimpse

into the daily reality of indigenous and racialized communities. When the police state indiscriminately turns its batons against ‘innocent’ bystanders, members of the media, and a diverse range of protesters, we see responses of widespread public shock and anger. Yet we refuse to exceptionalize this moment, the largest mass-arrest in Canadian history, at the expense of normalizing the daily violence of police and prisons and the criminal (in)justice system for Indigenous communities, people of colour, low income neighborhoods, street-involved youth, and trans people.

We further reject all differentiation between so-called ‘peaceful’ and ‘violent’ protesters, while the violence that compels us to resist, assert our dignity and struggle for justice – enabled by policies and deals such as those brokered by the G8 and G20 – is callously ignored. Instead, our outrage is directed at the policing apparatuses that are a central part of the militarization of Canada, the criminalization of our communities, and the brutality that defines the prison-industrial complex and the global realities of detention and imprisonment.

Those brutalized, harassed, and violated in the fallout of the Toronto G20 protests now join the three community organizers arrested last week in Ottawa in facing the consequences of a system more interested in protecting property than people. We must be steadfast in our support for those who are being targeted, by mobilizing around the upcoming trials and court battles. We will not allow the courts, the police, or the media to divide our solidarity. We demand the immediate release of ALL our friends and allies who are still being held in detention. We call on everyone to join us in taking back our city from the hands of the security state that has turned it into an armed fortress.

No One is Illegal stands with all of those who were on the streets resisting the G20 and the Toronto police state. They cannot jail our hearts. No borders, no fences! No one is illegal, Canada is illegal!

[Joint Statement of No One Is Illegal Toronto, No One Is Illegal Vancouver, No One Is Illegal Halifax, No One Is Illegal Montreal and No One Is Illegal Ottawa, July 3, 2010]

We write this statement in unwavering defiance to the ongoing attempt to silence us: those who militantly voice their opposition to this ecocidal, colonial- capitalist state, and the corporations that profit from its systemic violence. The state does not represent us, and we do not consent to its rule or its racist, patriarchal ‘justice’ system, which only serves to uphold the interests of the ruling elite. In regards to the ongoing scapegoating of anarchists in a debacle reminiscent of the McCarthy era: This ‘black scare’ will not work. Nor is it an exception. It is a continuation of the violence our sick society perpetuates every day in attempts to legitimize its existence through the exclusion and brutalization of other bodies including those who resist its non consensual domination. Nor is the brutal police repression of this past week an exception. On the contrary, this repression is an illustration of the continual injustice marginalized communities face daily at the whims of the capitalist state. We have not forgotten Junior Manon, beaten to death by Toronto’s 31st station cops but two months ago yesterday.

Police, crown attorneys, corporate media, and most recently, the justice of the peace, have portrayed us as ‘masterminds of mayhem, chaos and violence.’ They refer to Saturday’s expression of rage as ‘the gruesome culmination of the fruition of our machinations.’ Never do they mention the real perpetrators of ‘the trail of carnage that turned Toronto upside down’–Uniformed thugs armed with guns, batons, sound cannons, tasers, and 1.2 billion dollars of other experimental toys of repression. This state-sanctioned mob, with a monopoly on the ‘legitimate’ use of force have been engaged in the beating, harassing, detaining, disappearing, and sexually assaulting of anyone in the streets fighting injustice, anyone so much as even bearing witness to this struggle on the Toronto streets, all the while they claim to serve and protect.

An aversion to these armed, dangerous and blatantly unaccountable forces of the corporate state has been framed in court in the language of mental disAbility. According to the courts, those who hate cops are engaging in anti-social and mentally unstable behaviours. We find this ludicrous. Hating cops is a perfectly valid and celebrated response to systematic, organized thuggery and repression.

To dissent by any means necessary against the systems that oppress us is not a sign of mental instability. Rather, this dissent is a brief glimpse of sanity in a world clearly gone insane. Building constructive alternatives is of course fundamental, but so too are the acts that tear down all that collaboratively oppress us. Shattered banks and police cars engulfed in flames, far from being a scene of carnage, are truly beautiful things. They mark a crack in the facade, a weakness in the dam that attempts to hold us from bursting through in an expression our overflowing love and rage, waves that nourish our communities in expressions of true freedom.

Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper has asserted: “You won’t recognized Canada when I get through with it.”

We make the same claim. Until we were are all free, none of us are free. The state can neither silence nor stop us. We will subvert the dominant order and the countless systems of oppression on which this order rests.

–The Southern Ontario Anarchist Resistance (SOAR)

P.S. Cupcakes literally refer to baked goods, not incendiary devices. Jokes are neither threats nor actions. Your treatment of this so called evidence makes a mockery of your own system of ‘justice’.

Strengthening our Resolve: An interview with Alex Hundert
by Dawn Paley
vancouver.mediacoop.ca/story/strengthening-our-resolve

In the wee hours of June 26th, Alex Hundert awoke to the sound of police breaking down his door with a battering ram. Members of the gang unit entered his home in Toronto with guns drawn, arrested him and his partner, and took them to the now infamous temporary jail set up in an old film studio.

By the time the mass arrests started on Saturday evening, Hundert had already been transferred to the Maplehurst jail in Milton, Ontario. Over the next days, over a thousand G20 arrestees were put behind bars, including 16 more organizers and activists from Southern Ontario and Quebec who continue to face a variety of serious and trumped-up charges.

All of this might seem like a far cry from the life of a self described former “ski bum” who grew up the oldest of two boys in a middle class Toronto home. But Hundert, who was released on bail July 19 and today faces various charges of conspiracy related to G-20 organizing, can trace a line from his early activism right through to today.

While studying at Wilfred Laurier University, Hundert’s early forays into organizing were typical of many university students. “I was thrust into situations where these big, very effective organizing efforts, like doing campus fundraisers for popular causes such as AIDS, were happening and we’d get hundreds of people involved. But then everyone one would go home and feel that they’d done their part and everything was okay,” he said. “I felt that no matter how much money we raised on a university campus, we were not really contributing anything to the solution.”

Doing support at the blockade in Grassy Narrows opened Hundert’s eyes to a far more holistic form of activism, and deepened his analysis of capitalism and colonialism. “In Grassy Narrows, I got to see first hand the extent to which many of the things we’re told about this country are flagrant lies, and the extent to which the exploitation of resources and labour is synonymous with the destruction of communities,” he said.

Judy Da Silva, Asubpeeschoseewagong Anishinabe (Grassy Narrows First Nations), who has worked closely with Alex since 2006, attributes the growing movement of non-natives in support of Indigenous land rights to the work of Alex and others in Southern Ontario. “Alex Hundert is a patient generous person who works tirelessly on environmental & social issues on behalf of mother earth and her inhabitants,” said Da Silva. “He has continued to supports us in our struggle to protect our boreal forest from logging and pollution and to raise awareness about our issues to non-natives.”

But instead of being out on the land in Grassy Narrows or elsewhere, Hundert remains under house arrest at his father’s home in Toronto. He jokes that he’s been reading too much Chomsky, but says being jailed confirmed events he’d been witness to through activism in support of Indigenous struggles.

On the inside, it was other prisoners who helped him do the simple things, like fill out forms and navigate the prison system, which Hundert says is designed to dehumanize prisoners and their communities. But he thinks the attempt of the state to quash dissent through repression will have the opposite effect.

“I think in the long run, its going to have the same effect that cracking down on legitimate dissent and the public voices of communities always has,” said Hundert. “The effect is strengthening the resolve of that very voice.”

Already, people with no interest in political radicalism have been radicalized, said Hundert. “For every person that they are pulling out of the movement, to the extent that they’re able to do that through criminalizing and incarcerating us, there are several people to take our place,” he said.

Hundert doesn’t want a focus on the criminalization of activism to obscure the reasons people are in the streets.

“Whether its remote-controlled airplanes dropping bombs in Pakistan, or whether its the OPP attacking Six Nations land defenders, or whether its the Integrated Security Unit criminalizing so-called anarchists, its all about the attempt to break people’s resistance to an imposed order,” he said. “It is important to question just how democratic or legitimate that order is, and lots of people know that, and hanging on to that conviction is just as important as being honest about the experience of criminalization.”

Though this has been a difficult time for Alex’s friends and allies, they remain firm supporters of his work. “Alex’s family and friends are proud that he is putting his future on the line in service of social justice,” said Amy Rossiter, a Professor at York University.

Asked how people can support those still in jail and facing charges, Hundert says beyond giving to the legal defense fund, making space for people to create new alternatives and imagine their own forms of resistance is vital. And although the Crown will appeal Alex’s bail conditions next week in a move that could put him back in jail, he’s clear about what steps organizers can take.

“I think the most important thing we can do is to make space for those communities that have been most silenced in shaping the current system to facilitate a process of transformation with their voices, visions, and practices,” he said.

The Kitchener-Waterloo Community Center for Social justice, which Hundert helped found, is one example of creating that space. “Once we make space it is a lot harder for them to take it away, and no matter what they do to us, other people can join that community and culture of resistance and fill it with what they want.”

Southern Ontario Anarchist Resistance, or SOAR, is the name some people are using to organize actions around the G20 summit in Toronto. We are anti-capitalist, which means we reject an exploitation-based economy and the ability of the rich to control the things the poor need to survive. We are anti-colonial, which means we challenge the ongoing conquest and exploitation of this land and of its original inhabitants by the canadian government and corporations, and that we stand in solidarity with indigenous peoples against the many faces of colonialism and cultural genocide. We recognize colonialism not as a historical phenomenon, but as an ongoing process of the canadian state and corporate apparatus.

The canadian state was founded through acts of genocide, and can only continue to function with ever increasing amounts of violence. In Toronto and around the world, people find themselves in conflict with the canadian state just for standing up for their right to survive.

canadian mining companies destroy the land and intimidate those who resist in Central America and in territories across this land. canadian police maintain a campaign of repression against marginalized communities, as demonstrated by a string of murders of racialized youth over the past years. Meanwhile, the environmental racism of the canadian government condemns already marginalized communities across the country to a slow death-by-poisoning, because their existence is inconvenient. All around the world, canadian financial interests are attacking people’s basic needs. The list of atrocities is without end, but that does not mean that they are forgotten or forgiven.

As anarchists, we stand in solidarity with those who are on the receiving end of capitalist and colonial violence. For this reason, we too see ourselves as in direct conflict with the canadian state. And we – along with oppressed people around the world – refuse to be forever on the defensive, to fight simply to survive against the systemic violence. The machinery of this system grinds on, and if we can’t throw a wrench into it, someday we will all feel its teeth as keenly as do oppressed and exploited people everywhere.

This June, when the orchestrators of the worldwide system of exploitation gather in Toronto to congratulate themselves and plot their next move, we will take to the streets and fight back.

The state’s violence is routine and deliberate. It is not an accident. This violence is necessary for the capitalist, colonial system to continue. The mainstream media presents each killing, each oil spill, each military coup, each case of corruption as being an isolated incident, as an exception. They make all the right sounds, feigning outrage and regret, and sometimes they show us some lone scapegoat getting punished. They make excuses for the system, lulling us with sweet lies even as the system lurches already towards its next victim.

And when we rise up to demonstrate our discontent, the mainstream media faithfully make a few broken windows seem like unacceptable violence. But it doesn’t take a lot of thought to see who the truly violent members of our society are. Are a few broken windows more important than the growing pile of corpses left by the occupation of afghanistan? Than entire communities stamped out by canadian mining companies? Than ecosystems and habitats destroyed by oil spills? Than yet another racialized youth murdered by cops? This system is built on violence, and as communities of resistance we must respond.

The ruling elite, using the mainstream media as a tool, counts on us forgetting about the past obscenities by the time the next one rolls around. They count on us to have short memories, to not recognize the patterns, and certainly not to follow those patterns back to their root. And when we resist, they tell us that we’re the ones in the wrong. Then they carry on reporting about the world and about communities as if violence was not in every aspect of our modern civilization. But the destruction of the earth is far more violent than sabotaged machinery, and the presence of armed uniformed thugs enforcing capitalist rule in our communities is far more violent than the destruction of corporate property.

By taking to the streets, we are rejecting the power of self-proclaimed leaders to control our lives and to go on destroying the planet and enslaving its inhabitants. We are not asking the G8/G20 to change their policies – we do not want a kinder, gentler system of oppression.

As anarchists, we build the alternatives we want to see – we organize grassroots community services, create spaces for education, publish media, grow our own food, and explore direct democracy and alternative models of conflict resolution. And as well, we use direct action to protect ourselves and our communities from destruction when they come under attack. We seek to build communities based on freedom and mutual aid while actively resisting the violence of the state. We believe in a diversity of strategies and tactics, and we stand with all who resist.

The capitalist system is, and always has been, a constant attack against people everywhere. The G20 represents this system of destruction on a global scale. We do not accept Stephen Harper or anyone else’s power to make the decisions that will affect us all. The capitalist, colonial, racist, patriarchal, homophobic, transphobic Canadian state is totally illegitimate – we reject it completely, and want to remove the state and capitalism entirely from this land, along with all the other G20 regimes.

This is why we fight – because the only other choice is submission. We can either beg for the scraps of our freedom, or we can take our power and create freedom ourselves.

Forever and everywhere,

Southern Ontario Anarchist Resistance

Brand new video from radical hip hop mc’s Test Their Logik, just in time for the G8/G20 in Huntsville and Toronto.

The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of the working people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good things of life. Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the workers of the world organize as a class, take possession of the means of production, abolish the wage system, and live in harmony with the Earth.

We find that the centering of the management of industries into fewer and fewer hands makes the trade unions unable to cope with the ever growing power of the employing class. The trade unions foster a state of affairs which allows one set of workers to be pitted against another set of workers in the same industry, thereby helping defeat one another in wage wars. Moreover, the trade unions aid the employing class to mislead the workers into the belief that the working class have interests in common with their employers.

These conditions can be changed and the interest of the working class upheld only by an organization formed in such a way that all its members in any one industry, or in all industries if necessary, cease work whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus making an injury to one an injury to all.

Instead of the conservative motto, “A fair day’s wage for a fair day’s work,” we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary watchword, “Abolition of the wage system.”

It is the historic mission of the working class to do away with capitalism. The army of production must be organized, not only for everyday struggle with capitalists, but also to carry on production when capitalism shall have been overthrown. By organizing industrially we are forming the structure of the new society within the shell of the old.

- Preamble to the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) Constitution (1908)

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We have always lived in slums and holes in the wall. We will know how to accommodate ourselves for a while. For, you must not forget, we also know how to build. It is we the workers who built these palaces and cities, here in Spain and in America, and everywhere. We, the workers, can build others to take their place, and better ones! We are not in the least afraid of ruins. We are going to inherit the earth, there is not the slightest doubt about that. The bourgeoisie might blast and ruin its own world before it leaves the stage of history. We carry a new world, here, in our hearts. That world is growing this minute.

- Buenaventura Durruti (1936)

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We are people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit.

Our work is guided by the sense that we may be the last generation in the experiment with living. But we are a minority — the vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and world as eternally-functional parts. In this is perhaps the outstanding paradox: we ourselves are imbued with urgency, yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present. Beneath the reassuring tones of the politicians, beneath the common opinion that America will “muddle through”, beneath the stagnation of those who have closed their minds to the future, is the pervading feeling that there simply are no alternatives, that our times have witnessed the exhaustion not only of Utopias, but of any new departures as well. Feeling the press of complexity upon the emptiness of life, people are fearful of the thought that at any moment things might thrust out of control. They fear change itself, since change might smash whatever invisible framework seems to hold back chaos for them now. For most Americans, all crusades are suspect, threatening. The fact that each individual sees apathy in his fellows perpetuates the common reluctance to organize for change. The dominant institutions are complex enough to blunt the minds of their potential critics, and entrenched enough to swiftly dissipate or entirely repel the energies of protest and reform, thus limiting human expectancies. Then, too, we are a materially improved society, and by our own improvements we seem to have weakened the case for further change.

Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity — but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed indifference to human affairs, do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present, that something can be done to change circumstances in the school, the workplaces, the bureaucracies, the government? It is to this latter yearning, at once the spark and engine of change, that we direct our present appeal. The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present, and a commitment to social experimentation with them, is a worthy and fulfilling human enterprise, one which moves us and, we hope, others today. On such a basis do we offer this document of our convictions and analysis: as an effort in understanding and changing the conditions of humanity in the late twentieth century, an effort rooted in the ancient, still unfulfilled conception of man attaining determining influence over his circumstances of life.

Unlike youth in other countries we are used to moral leadership being exercised and moral dimensions being clarified by our elders. But today, for us, not even the liberal and socialist preachments of the past seem adequate to the forms of the present. Consider the old slogans; Capitalism Cannot Reform Itself, United Front Against Fascism, General Strike, All Out on May Day. Or, more recently, No Cooperation with Commies and Fellow Travellers, Ideologies Are Exhausted, Bipartisanship, No Utopias. These are incomplete, and there are few new prophets. It has been said that our liberal and socialist predecessors were plagued by vision without program, while our own generation is plagued by program without vision.

All around us there is astute grasp of method, technique — the committee, the ad hoc group, the lobbyist, that hard and soft sell, the make, the projected image — but, if pressed critically, such expertise is incompetent to explain its implicit ideals. It is highly fashionable to identify oneself by old categories, or by naming a respected political figure, or by explaining “how we would vote” on various issues.

Theoretic chaos has replaced the idealistic thinking of old — and, unable to reconstitute theoretic order, people have condemned idealism itself. Doubt has replaced hopefulness — and people act out a defeatism that is labeled realistic. The decline of utopia and hope is in fact one of the defining features of social life today. The reasons are various: the dreams of the older left were perverted by Stalinism and never recreated; the congressional stalemate makes men narrow their view of the possible; the specialization of human activity leaves little room for sweeping thought; the horrors of the twentieth century, symbolized in the gas-ovens and concentration camps and atom bombs, have blasted hopefulness. To be idealistic is to be considered apocalyptic, deluded. To have no serious aspirations, on the contrary, is to be “toughminded”.

In suggesting social goals and values, therefore, we are aware of entering a sphere of some disrepute. Perhaps matured by the past, we have no sure formulas, no closed theories — but that does not mean values are beyond discussion and tentative determination. A first task of any social movement is to convenience people that the search for orienting theories and the creation of human values is complex but worthwhile. We are aware that to avoid platitudes we must analyze the concrete conditions of social order. But to direct such an analysis we must use the guideposts of basic principles.

As a social system we seek the establishment of a democracy of individual participation, governed by two central aims: that the individual share in those social decisions determining the quality and direction of his life; that society be organized to encourage independence in men and provide the media for their common participation.

To turn these possibilities into realities will involve national efforts at university reform by an alliance of students and faculty. They must wrest control of the educational process from the administrative bureaucracy. They must make fraternal and functional contact with allies in labor, civil rights, and other liberal forces outside the campus. They must import major public issues into the curriculum — research and teaching on problems of war and peace is an outstanding example. They must make debate and controversy, not dull pedantic cant, the common style for educational life. They must consciously build a base for their assault upon the loci of power.

As students, for a democratic society, we are committed to stimulating this kind of social movement, this kind of vision and program is campus and community across the country.
If we appear to seek the unattainable, it has been said, then let it be known that we do so to avoid the unimaginable.

From: The Port Huron Statement (1962) - By Students for a Democratic Society (SDS)

By Ward Churchill
You don’t have to have the preponderance of the population engaged in some sort of a final campaign to bring down the government. What you do need is the ability to cause an increasing number of people to withdraw consent from some key sectors that keep the system functioning. And if an appreciable number of those people are going into more active forms of resistance and are supportive, at least to the extent that they won’t give you up to the cops and that maybe they will make a contribution, be it monetarily, or by providing you sanctuary, I think that’s attainable over the long haul. You have to have a much greater weight in order to take the structure intact and then rearrange its organization, than you need to have it begin to unravel and collapse, and that’s actually the aspiration that I hold.

You also have to create counter-models that people can look at, that they can be attracted to: “Oh yeah, there is another way of doing this and maybe I’d be more comfortable in that context. I don’t know for sure because I haven’t lived in it, but it looks like something I might like to explore.” That leads to withdrawal, and creates doubt as to the inevitability of state structures and that’s what you’re trying to create.

Not that you’re going to supplant the structure of the state with co-ops, or little land occupations, collectives and so forth. In the 70s in particular, there was this whole notion that you could simply create a society that you want within the shell of the old one, and eventually the old one will wither away. Well that ain’t going to happen either. You’re going to reach a certain threshold and then the state will begin to actively repress you and try to crush you.

The Black Panthers’ breakfast for children program, their community clinics, alternative educational institutions, job placement programs, housing initiatives, and all the rest, when viewed as a package in and of themselves may seem like a very liberal agenda. But it was framed in terms of a very coherent program of self-determination, of self-sufficiency, that sought to remove those service delivery sectors of responsibility from the state, and to place them in the hands of the community.

You don’t see a lot of that happening these days. For most people in the anarchist community who organize in their little collectives and get together and eat their bean sprouts and shit, it’s only for themselves, at the present time. If you want to talk to factory workers, you need to connect with them where they are, not where you think they should be. You need to get over your prohibition on ashtrays. You keep asking me why nobody shows up, except you, when you organize an event - there’s the answer. I’ve answered the question about 15 times. You may have ideas, you may have counter models and they might be constructive, but if people - coming from the bowling alley or something - have to spend 15 minutes reading your fucking signs about what they can or can’t do in exchange for the privilege of entering your sacred premises, they’re going to go bowling instead. Get over your bicycles and go down and bend a wrench with a gear-head for a while. Do what he’s fucking doing.

Maybe he’ll learn how to talk to you and vice versa.

But that’s like shedding the black uniforms. It’s a real psychological barrier to some anarchists, because they’ve got the solution to the world’s problems somehow in code form in their minds. They posit an implicit demand that people are supposed to acknowledge the superiority of their vision as the price of admission. So get the fuck off the university campus and down into a union hall. Put ashtrays on the goddamn tables. Make some babysitting services available. And try to package it in a set of terms that can appeal to the people you’re trying to reach. Call it spin if you will, call it packaging, call it Madison Avenue - but how you pedal it, how you try to reach people, is really important. They’re probably not about to put safety pins in their eyelids and all the rest of that shit. I understand why you’re doing it, and I’m not objecting: it’s just that you’ve got to realize that there are some other people out there you need to reach if you’re going to be successful, who don’t feel that way. And you need to respect that. Because you’re ultimately demanding that they respect you. That’s a reciprocal proposition.

From Indigenism, Anarchism and the State: An Interview with Ward Churchill
(Upping the Anti # 1)  http://www.uppingtheanti.org/

With the close of the 2010 Winter Olympic Games in Vancouver, much of the media was quick to declare them a total success. This goes against the mounds of journalism produced before and during the games by the Vancouver Media Co-op, the city’s newly launched independent media center. Believing that there might be more than one answer regarding the success of the games, and one of those should come from the host communities, The Real News spoke to Franklin López, Video Producer with the Co-op, to find out more about the legacy of the 2010 Olympics for the people of Vancouver.

Hundreds of anarchists block the Olympic torch route and forced torch bearer Carrie Serwetnyk out of Commercial Drive.

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